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Civil Disobedience

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Part 1 of 3

By Henry David Thoreau

 

Source: http://thoreau.eserver.org/civil1.html

 

I HEARTILY ACCEPT the motto, — "That government is best which governs least";(1) and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe, — "That government is best which governs not at all"; and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient. The objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are many and weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at last be brought against a standing government. The standing army is only an arm of the standing government. The government itself, which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can act through it. Witness the present Mexican war,(2) the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool; for, in the outset, the people would not have consented to this measure.

 

[2]    This American government — what is it but a tradition, though a recent one, endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its integrity? It has not the vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it to his will. It is a sort of wooden gun to the people themselves. But it is not the less necessary for this; for the people must have some complicated machinery or other, and hear its din, to satisfy that idea of government which they have. Governments show thus how successfully men can be imposed on, even impose on themselves, for their own advantage. It is excellent, we must all allow. Yet this government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacrity with which it got out of its way. It does not keep the country free. It does not settle the West. It does not educate. The character inherent in the American people has done all that has been accomplished; and it would have done somewhat more, if the government had not sometimes got in its way. For government is an expedient by which men would fain succeed in letting one another alone; and, as has been said, when it is most expedient, the governed are most let alone by it. Trade and commerce, if they were not made of India rubber,(3) would never manage to bounce over the obstacles which legislators are continually putting in their way; and, if one were to judge these men wholly by the effects of their actions, and not partly by their intentions, they would deserve to be classed and punished with those mischievous persons who put obstructions on the railroads.

[3]    But, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves no-government men,(4) I ask for, not at once no government, but at once a better government. Let every man make known what kind of government would command his respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining it.

 

[4]    After all, the practical reason why, when the power is once in the hands of the people, a majority are permitted, and for a long period continue, to rule, is not because they are most likely to be in the right, nor because this seems fairest to the minority, but because they are physically the strongest. But a government in which the majority rule in all cases cannot be based on justice, even as far as men understand it. Can there not be a government in which majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience? — in which majorities decide only those questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable? Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislator? Why has every man a conscience, then? I think that we should be men first, and subjects afterward. It is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right. The only obligation which I have a right to assume is to do at any time what I think right. It is truly enough said that a corporation has no conscience; but a corporation of conscientious men is a corporation with a conscience. Law never made men a whit more just; and, by means of their respect for it, even the well-disposed are daily made the agents of injustice. A common and natural result of an undue respect for law is, that you may see a file of soldiers, colonel, captain, corporal, privates, powder-monkeys,(5) and all, marching in admirable order over hill and dale to the wars, against their wills, ay, against their common sense and consciences, which makes it very steep marching indeed, and produces a palpitation of the heart. They have no doubt that it is a damnable business in which they are concerned; they are all peaceably inclined. Now, what are they? Men at all? or small movable forts and magazines, at the service of some unscrupulous man in power? Visit the Navy Yard, and behold a marine, such a man as an American government can make, or such as it can make a man with its black arts — a mere shadow and reminiscence of humanity, a man laid out alive and standing, and already, as one may say, buried under arms with funeral accompaniments, though it may be

 

"Not a drum was heard, not a funeral note,
 As his corse to the rampart we hurried;
 Not a soldier discharged his farewell shot
 O'er the grave where our hero we buried."(6)

 

[5]   The mass of men serve the state thus, not as men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies. They are the standing army, and the militia, jailers, constables, posse comitatus,(7) etc. In most cases there is no free exercise whatever of the judgment or of the moral sense; but they put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones; and wooden men can perhaps be manufactured that will serve the purpose as well. Such command no more respect than men of straw or a lump of dirt. They have the same sort of worth only as horses and dogs. Yet such as these even are commonly esteemed good citizens. Others, as most legislators, politicians, lawyers, ministers, and office-holders, serve the state chiefly with their heads; and, as they rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve the devil, without intending it, as God. A very few, as heroes, patriots, martyrs, reformers in the great sense, and men, serve the state with their consciences also, and so necessarily resist it for the most part; and they are commonly treated as enemies by it. A wise man will only be useful as a man, and will not submit to be "clay," and "stop a hole to keep the wind away,"(8) but leave that office to his dust at least: —

 

"I am too high-born to be propertied,
 To be a secondary at control,
 Or useful serving-man and instrument
 To any sovereign state throughout the world."(9)

 

[6]    He who gives himself entirely to his fellow-men appears to them useless and selfish; but he who gives himself partially to them is pronounced a benefactor and philanthropist.

 

[7]    How does it become a man to behave toward this American government to-day? I answer, that he cannot without disgrace be associated with it. I cannot for an instant recognize that political organization as my government which is the slave's government also.

 

[8]    All men recognize the right of revolution; that is, the right to refuse allegiance to, and to resist, the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable. But almost all say that such is not the case now. But such was the case, they think, in the Revolution of '75.(10) If one were to tell me that this was a bad government because it taxed certain foreign commodities brought to its ports, it is most probable that I should not make an ado about it, for I can do without them. All machines have their friction; and possibly this does enough good to counterbalance the evil. At any rate, it is a great evil to make a stir about it. But when the friction comes to have its machine, and oppression and robbery are organized, I say, let us not have such a machine any longer. In other words, when a sixth of the population of a nation which has undertaken to be the refuge of liberty are slaves, and a whole country is unjustly overrun and conquered by a foreign army, and subjected to military law, I think that it is not too soon for honest men to rebel and revolutionize. What makes this duty the more urgent is the fact that the country so overrun is not our own, but ours is the invading army.(11)

[9]    Paley, a common authority with many on moral questions, in his chapter on the "Duty of Submission to Civil Government," resolves all civil obligation into expediency; and he proceeds to say that "so long as the interest of the whole society requires it, that is, so long as the established government cannot be resisted or changed without public inconveniency, it is the will of God that the established government be obeyed, and no longer" — "This principle being admitted, the justice of every particular case of resistance is reduced to a computation of the quantity of the danger and grievance on the one side, and of the probability and expense of redressing it on the other."(12) Of this, he says, every man shall judge for himself. But Paley appears never to have contemplated those cases to which the rule of expediency does not apply, in which a people, as well as an individual, must do justice, cost what it may. If I have unjustly wrested a plank from a drowning man, I must restore it to him though I drown myself.This, according to Paley, would be inconvenient. But he that would save his life, in such a case, shall lose it.(13) This people must cease to hold slaves, and to make war on Mexico, though it cost them their existence as a people.

 

[10]    In their practice, nations agree with Paley; but does any one think that Massachusetts does exactly what is right at the present crisis?

 

"A drab of state, a cloth-o'-silver slut,
 To have her train borne up, and her soul trail in the dirt."(14)

 

Practically speaking, the opponents to a reform in Massachusetts are not a hundred thousand politicians at the South, but a hundred thousand merchants and farmers here, who are more interested in commerce and agriculture than they are in humanity, and are not prepared to do justice to the slave and to Mexico, cost what it may. I quarrel not with far-off foes, but with those who, near at home, co-operate with, and do the bidding of those far away, and without whom the latter would be harmless. We are accustomed to say, that the mass of men are unprepared; but improvement is slow, because the few are not materially wiser or better than the many. It is not so important that many should be as good as you, as that there be some absolute goodness somewhere; for that will leaven the whole lump.(15) There are thousands who are in opinion opposed to slavery and to the war, who yet in effect do nothing to put an end to them; who, esteeming themselves children of Washington and Franklin, sit down with their hands in their pockets, and say that they know not what to do, and do nothing; who even postpone the question of freedom to the question of free-trade, and quietly read the prices-current along with the latest advices from Mexico, after dinner, and, it may be, fall asleep over them both. What is the price-current of an honest man and patriot to-day? They hesitate, and they regret, and sometimes they petition; but they do nothing in earnest and with effect. They will wait, well disposed, for others to remedy the evil, that they may no longer have it to regret. At most, they give only a cheap vote, and a feeble countenance and Godspeed, to the right, as it goes by them. There are nine hundred and ninety-nine patrons of virtue to one virtuous man; but it is easier to deal with the real possessor of a thing than with the temporary guardian of it.

 

[11]    All voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon, with a slight moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral questions; and betting naturally accompanies it. The character of the voters is not staked. I cast my vote, perchance, as I think right; but I am not vitally concerned that that right should prevail. I am willing to leave it to the majority. Its obligation, therefore, never exceeds that of expediency. Even voting for the right is doing nothing for it. It is only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. A wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power of the majority. There is but little virtue in the action of masses of men. When the majority shall at length vote for the abolition of slavery, it will be because they are indifferent to slavery, or because there is but little slavery left to be abolished by their vote. They will then be the only slaves. Only his vote can hasten the abolition of slavery who asserts his own freedom by his vote.

 

[12]    I hear of a convention to be held at Baltimore,(16) or elsewhere, for the selection of a candidate for the Presidency, made up chiefly of editors, and men who are politicians by profession; but I think, what is it to any independent, intelligent, and respectable man what decision they may come to? Shall we not have the advantage of his wisdom and honesty, nevertheless? Can we not count upon some independent votes? Are there not many individuals in the country who do not attend conventions? But no: I find that the respectable man, so called, has immediately drifted from his position, and despairs of his country, when his country has more reason to despair of him. He forthwith adopts one of the candidates thus selected as the only available one, thus proving that he is himself available for any purposes of the demagogue. His vote is of no more worth than that of any unprincipled foreigner or hireling native, who may have been bought. Oh for a man who is a man, and, as my neighbor says, has a bone in his back which you cannot pass your hand through! Our statistics are at fault: the population has been returned too large. How many men are there to a square thousand miles in this country? Hardly one. Does not America offer any inducement for men to settle here? The American has dwindled into an Odd Fellow (17) — one who may be known by the development of his organ of gregariousness, and a manifest lack of intellect and cheerful self-reliance; whose first and chief concern, on coming into the world, is to see that the almshouses are in good repair; and, before yet he has lawfully donned the virile garb, to collect a fund for the support of the widows and orphans that may be; who, in short ventures to live only by the aid of the Mutual Insurance company, which has promised to bury him decently.

 

[13]    It is not a man's duty, as a matter of course, to devote himself to the eradication of any, even the most enormous wrong; he may still properly have other concerns to engage him; but it is his duty, at least, to wash his hands of it, and, if he gives it no thought longer, not to give it practically his support. If I devote myself to other pursuits and contemplations, I must first see, at least, that I do not pursue them sitting upon another man's shoulders. I must get off him first, that he may pursue his contemplations too. See what gross inconsistency is tolerated. I have heard some of my townsmen say, "I should like to have them order me out to help put down an insurrection of the slaves, or to march to Mexico; — see if I would go"; and yet these very men have each, directly by their allegiance, and so indirectly, at least, by their money, furnished a substitute. The soldier is applauded who refuses to serve in an unjust war by those who do not refuse to sustain the unjust government which makes the war; is applauded by those whose own act and authority he disregards and sets at naught; as if the state were penitent to that degree that it hired one to scourge it while it sinned, but not to that degree that it left off sinning for a moment. Thus, under the name of Order and Civil Government, we are all made at last to pay homage to and support our own meanness. After the first blush of sin comes its indifference; and from immoral it becomes, as it were, unmoral, and not quite unnecessary to that life which we have made.

 

Notes:

 

1. Possible reference to "The best government is that which governs least," motto of the United States Magazine and Democratic Review,1837-1859, or "the less government we have, the better" - from Ralph Waldo Emerson's "Politics", 1844, sometimes mistakenly attributed to Jefferson - 
2. U.S.-Mexican War (1846-1848), abolitionists considered it an effort to extend slavery into former Mexican territory -
3. Made from the latex of tropical plants, "India" because it came from the West Indies, and "rubber" from its early use as an eraser -
4. Anarchists, many of whom came from Massachusetts -
5. Boys who carry gunpowder for soldiers -
6. Charles Wolfe (1791-1823) The Burial of Sir John Morre at Corunna -
7. Group empowered to uphold the law, a sheriff's posse -
8. Shakespeare (1564-1616) English dramatist, from Hamlet -
9. Shakespeare, from King John -.
10. The American Revolution began in Concord & Lexington in 1775 -
11. A reference to slavery in the U.S, and to the invasion of Mexico by the U.S. -
12. William Paley (1743-1805) English theologian & philosopher, from Principals of Moral and Political Philosophy, 1785 -
13. "He that findeth his life shall lose it..." - Matthew 10:39 -
14. Cyril Tourneur (1575?-1626) The Revengers Tragadie -
15."... a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump" - 1 Corinthians 5:6 -
16. In 1848, Democratics nominated Lewis Case for U.S. president, later defeated by Zachary Talor -
17. A member of the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, a fraternal organization orginating in England in the mid-1700s. –

 

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Part 2 of 3

 

By Henry David Thoreau

 

Source: http://thoreau.eserver.org/civil2.html

 

[1]    The broadest and most prevalent error requires the most disinterested virtue to sustain it. The slight reproach to which the virtue of patriotism is commonly liable, the noble are most likely to incur. Those who, while they disapprove of the character and measures of a government, yield to it their allegiance and support are undoubtedly its most conscientious supporters, and so frequently the most serious obstacles to reform. Some are petitioning the State to dissolve the Union,(1) to disregard the requisitions of the President. Why do they not dissolve it themselves — the union between themselves and the State — and refuse to pay their quota into its treasury? Do not they stand in the same relation to the State, that the State does to the Union? And have not the same reasons prevented the State from resisting the Union, which have prevented them from resisting the State?

 

[2]    How can a man be satisfied to entertain an opinion merely, and enjoy it? Is there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is aggrieved? If you are cheated out of a single dollar by your neighbor, you do not rest satisfied with knowing that you are cheated, or with saying that you are cheated, or even with petitioning him to pay you your due; but you take effectual steps at once to obtain the full amount, and see that you are never cheated again. Action from principle — the perception and the performance of right — changes things and relations; it is essentially revolutionary, and does not consist wholly with anything which was. It not only divides states and churches, it divides families; ay, it divides the individual, separating the diabolical in him from the divine.

 

[3]    Unjust laws exist; shall we be content to obey them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress them at once? Men generally, under such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter them. They think that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist before it is hurt? Why does it not encourage its citizens to be on the alert to point out its faults, and do better than it would have them?  Why does it always crucify Christ, and excommunicate Copernicus (2) and Luther,(3) and pronounce Washington and Franklin rebels?

 

[4]    One would think, that a deliberate and practical denial of its authority was the only offence never contemplated by government; else, why has it not assigned its definite, its suitable and proportionate, penalty? If a man who has no property refuses but once to earn nine shillings for the State, he is put in prison for a period unlimited by any law that I know, and determined only by the discretion of those who placed him there; but if he should steal ninety times nine shillings from the State, he is soon permitted to go at large again.

 

[5]    If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of the machine of government, let it go, let it go; perchance it will wear smooth — certainly the machine will wear out. If the injustice has a spring, or a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself, then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice to another, then, I say, break the law. Let your life be a counter friction to stop the machine. What I have to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to the wrong which I condemn.

 

[6]    As for adopting the ways which the State has provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such ways. They take too much time, and a man's life will be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has not everything to do, but something; and because he cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he should do something wrong. It is not my business to be petitioning the Governor or the Legislature any more than it is theirs to petition me; and if they should not hear my petition, what should I do then? But in this case the State has provided no way; its very Constitution is the evil. This may seem to be harsh and stubborn and unconciliatory; but it is to treat with the utmost kindness and consideration the only spirit that can appreciate or deserves it. So is an change for the better, like birth and death which convulse the body.

 

[7]    I do not hesitate to say, that those who call themselves Abolitionists should at once effectually withdraw their support, both in person and property, from the government of Massachusetts, and not wait till they constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the right to prevail through them. I think that it is enough if they have God on their side, without waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one already.

[8]    I meet this American government, or its representative, the State government, directly, and face to face, once a year — no more — in the person of its tax-gatherer;(4) this is the only mode in which a man situated as I am necessarily meets it; and it then says distinctly, Recognize me; and the simplest, the most effectual, and, in the present posture of affairs, the indispensablest mode of treating with it on this head, of expressing your little satisfaction with and love for it, is to deny it then. My civil neighbor, the tax-gatherer, is the very man I have to deal with — for it is, after all, with men and not with parchment that I quarrel — and he has voluntarily chosen to be an agent of the government. How shall he ever know well what he is and does as an officer of the government, or as a man, until he is obliged to consider whether he shall treat me, his neighbor, for whom he has respect, as a neighbor and well-disposed man, or as a maniac and disturber of the peace, and see if he can get over this obstruction to his neighborliness without a ruder and more impetuous thought or speech corresponding with his action? I know this well, that if one thousand, if one hundred, if ten men whom I could name — if ten honest men only — ay, if one HONEST man, in this State of Massachusetts, ceasing to hold slaves, were actually to withdraw from this copartnership, and be locked up in the county jail therefor, it would be the abolition of slavery in America. For it matters not how small the beginning may seem to be: what is once well done is done forever. But we love better to talk about it: that we say is our mission. Reform keeps many scores of newspapers in its service, but not one man. If my esteemed neighbor, the State's ambassador,(5) who will devote his days to the settlement of the question of human rights in the Council Chamber, instead of being threatened with the prisons of Carolina, were to sit down the prisoner of Massachusetts, that State which is so anxious to foist the sin of slavery upon her sister — though at present she can discover only an act of inhospitality to be the ground of a quarrel with her — the Legislature would not wholly waive the subject the following winter.

 

[9]    Under a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man is also a prison. The proper place to-day, the only place which Massachusetts has provided for her freer and less desponding spirits, is in her prisons, to be put out and locked out of the State by her own act, as they have already put themselves out by their principles. It is there that the fugitive slave, and the Mexican prisoner on parole, and the Indian come to plead the wrongs of his race, should find them; on that separate, but more free and honorable ground, where the State places those who are not with her, but against her — the only house in a slave State in which a free man can abide with honor. If any think that their influence would be lost there, and their voices no longer afflict the ear of the State, that they would not be as an enemy within its walls, they do not know by how much truth is stronger than error, nor how much more eloquently and effectively he can combat injustice who has experienced a little in his own person. Cast your whole vote, not a strip of paper merely, but your whole influence. A minority is powerless while it conforms to the majority; it is not even a minority then; but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight. If the alternative is to keep all just men in prison, or give up war and slavery, the State will not hesitate which to choose. If a thousand men were not to pay their tax-bills this year, that would not be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be to pay them, and enable the State to commit violence and shed innocent blood. This is, in fact, the definition of a peaceable revolution, if any such is possible. If the tax-gatherer, or any other public officer, asks me, as one has done, "But what shall I do?" my answer is, "If you really wish to do anything, resign your office." When the subject has refused allegiance, and the officer has resigned his office, then the revolution is accomplished. But even suppose blood should flow. Is there not a sort of blood shed when the conscience is wounded? Through this wound a man's real manhood and immortality flow out, and he bleeds to an everlasting death. I see this blood flowing now.

 

[10]    I have contemplated the imprisonment of the offender, rather than the seizure of his goods — though both will serve the same purpose — because they who assert the purest right, and consequently are most dangerous to a corrupt State, commonly have not spent much time in accumulating property. To such the State renders comparatively small service, and a slight tax is wont to appear exorbitant, particularly if they are obliged to earn it by special labor with their hands. If there were one who lived wholly without the use of money, the State itself would hesitate to demand it of him. But the rich man — not to make any invidious comparison — is always sold to the institution which makes him rich. Absolutely speaking, the more money, the less virtue; for money comes between a man and his objects, and obtains them for him; and it was certainly no great virtue to obtain it. It puts to rest many questions which he would otherwise be taxed to answer; while the only new question which it puts is the hard but superfluous one, how to spend it. Thus his moral ground is taken from under his feet. The opportunities of living are diminished in proportion as what are called the "means" are increased. The best thing a man can do for his culture when he is rich is to endeavor to carry out those schemes which he entertained when he was poor. Christ answered the Herodians according to their condition. "Show me the tribute-money," said he; — and one took a penny out of his pocket; — if you use money which has the image of Cæsar on it, and which he has made current and valuable, that is, if you are men of the State, and gladly enjoy the advantages of Cæsar's government, then pay him back some of his own when he demands it; "Render therefore to Cæsar that which is Cæsar's, and to God those things which are God's"(6) — leaving them no wiser than before as to which was which; for they did not wish to know.

 

[11]    When I converse with the freest of my neighbors, I perceive that, whatever they may say about the magnitude and seriousness of the question, and their regard for the public tranquillity, the long and the short of the matter is, that they cannot spare the protection of the existing government, and they dread the consequences to their property and families of disobedience to it. For my own part, I should not like to think that I ever rely on the protection of the State. But, if I deny the authority of the State when it presents its tax-bill, it will soon take and waste all my property, and so harass me and my children without end. This is hard. This makes it impossible for a man to live honestly, and at the same time comfortably in outward respects. It will not be worth the while to accumulate property; that would be sure to go again. You must hire or squat somewhere, and raise but a small crop, and eat that soon. You must live within yourself, and depend upon yourself always tucked up and ready for a start, and not have many affairs. A man may grow rich in Turkey even, if he will be in all respects a good subject of the Turkish government. Confucius said, "If a state is governed by the principles of reason, poverty and misery are subjects of shame;(7) if a state is not governed by the principles of reason, riches and honors are the subjects of shame." No: until I want the protection of Massachusetts to be extended to me in some distant Southern port, where my liberty is endangered, or until I am bent solely on building up an estate at home by peaceful enterprise, I can afford to refuse allegiance to Massachusetts, and her right to my property and life. It costs me less in every sense to incur the penalty of disobedience to the State than it would to obey. I should feel as if I were worth less in that case.

 

[12]    Some years ago, the State met me in behalf of the Church, and commanded me to pay a certain sum toward the support of a clergyman whose preaching my father attended, but never I myself. "Pay," it said, "or be locked up in the jail." I declined to pay. But, unfortunately, another man saw fit to pay it. I did not see why the schoolmaster should be taxed to support the priest, and not the priest the schoolmaster: for I was not the State's schoolmaster, but I supported myself by voluntary subscription.  I did not see why the lyceum (8) should not present its tax-bill, and have the State to back its demand, as well as the Church. However, at the request of the selectmen, I condescended to make some such statement as this in writing: — "Know all men by these presents, that I, Henry Thoreau, do not wish to be regarded as a member of any incorporated society which I have not joined." This I gave to the town clerk; and he has it. The State, having thus learned that I did not wish to be regarded as a member of that church, has never made a like demand on me since; though it said that it must adhere to its original presumption that time. If I had known how to name them, I should then have signed off in detail from all the societies which I never signed on to; but I did not know where to find a complete list.

 

[13]    I have paid no poll-tax for six years. I was put into a jail once on this account, for one night; and, as I stood considering the walls of solid stone, two or three feet thick, the door of wood and iron, a foot thick, and the iron grating which strained the light, I could not help being struck with the foolishness of that institution which treated me as if I were mere flesh and blood and bones, to be locked up. I wondered that it should have concluded at length that this was the best use it could put me to, and had never thought to avail itself of my services in some way. I saw that, if there was a wall of stone between me and my townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through, before they could get to be as free as I was. I did not for a moment feel confined, and the walls seemed a great waste of stone and mortar. I felt as if I alone of all my townsmen had paid my tax. They plainly did not know how to treat me, but behaved like persons who are underbred. In every threat and in every compliment there was a blunder; for they thought that my chief desire was to stand the other side of that stone wall. I could not but smile to see how industriously they locked the door on my meditations, which followed them out again without let or hindrance, and they were really all that was dangerous. As they could not reach me, they had resolved to punish my body; just as boys, if they cannot come at some person against whom they have a spite, will abuse his dog. I saw that the State was half-witted, that it was timid as a lone woman with her silver spoons, and that it did not know its friends from its foes, and I lost all my remaining respect for it, and pitied it.

 

[14]    Thus the State never intentionally confronts a man's sense, intellectual or moral, but only his body, his senses. It is not armed with superior wit or honesty, but with superior physical strength. I was not born to be forced. I will breathe after my own fashion. Let us see who is the strongest. What force has a multitude? They only can force me who obey a higher law than I. They force me to become like themselves. I do not hear of men being forced to have this way or that by masses of men. What sort of life were that to live? When I meet a government which says to me, "Your money or your life," why should I be in haste to give it my money? It may be in a great strait, and not know what to do: I cannot help that. It must help itself; do as I do. It is not worth the while to snivel about it. I am not responsible for the successful working of the machinery of society. I am not the son of the engineer. I perceive that, when an acorn and a chestnut fall side by side, the one does not remain inert to make way for the other, but both obey their own laws, and spring and grow and flourish as best they can, till one, perchance, overshadows and destroys the other. If a plant cannot live according to its nature, it dies; and so a man.

 

Notes

 

1. "No Union with Slaveholders" had become an abolitionist slogan -
2. Nicolas Copernicas (1473-1543) Polish founder of modern astronomy; his work On the Revolutions was dedicated to Pope Paul III and published in 1543, and he was was not excomunicated -
3. Martin Luther (1483-1546) German monk and Protestant Reformation leader -
4. Sam Staples, local constable and tax collector in Concord -
5. Samuel Hoar (1778-1856) of Concord, sent by Mass. legislature to S. Carolina to protest the impoundment of free black sailors, and was forced to leave. His daughter was a close friend of the Emersons and a childhood friend of Thoreau -
6. Matthew 22:19-22 -
7. Analects, 8:13 -
8. A hall where public lectures are held –

 

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

 

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Part 3 of 3

 

By Henry David Thoreau

 

Source: http://thoreau.eserver.org/civil3.html

 

[1]    The night in prison was novel and interesting enough. The prisoners in their shirt-sleeves were enjoying a chat and the evening air in the doorway, when I entered. But the jailer said, "Come, boys, it is time to lock up"; and so they dispersed, and I heard the sound of their steps returning into the hollow apartments. My room-mate was introduced to me by the jailer as "a first-rate fellow and a clever man." When the door was locked, he showed me where to hang my hat, and how he managed matters there. The rooms were whitewashed once a month; and this one, at least, was the whitest, most simply furnished, and probably the neatest apartment in the town. He naturally wanted to know where I came from, and what brought me there; and, when I had told him, I asked him in my turn how he came there, presuming him to be an honest man, of course; and, as the world goes, I believe he was. "Why," said he, "they accuse me of burning a barn; but I never did it." As near as I could discover, he had probably gone to bed in a barn when drunk, and smoked his pipe there; and so a barn was burnt. He had the reputation of being a clever man, had been there some three months waiting for his trial to come on, and would have to wait as much longer; but he was quite domesticated and contented, since he got his board for nothing, and thought that he was well treated.

 

[2]    He occupied one window, and I the other; and I saw that if one stayed there long, his principal business would be to look out the window. I had soon read all the tracts that were left there, and examined where former prisoners had broken out, and where a grate had been sawed off, and heard the history of the various occupants of that room; for I found that even here there was a history and a gossip which never circulated beyond the walls of the jail. Probably this is the only house in the town where verses are composed, which are afterward printed in a circular form, but not published. I was shown quite a long list of verses which were composed by some young men who had been detected in an attempt to escape, who avenged themselves by singing them.

 

[3]    I pumped my fellow-prisoner as dry as I could, for fear I should never see him again; but at length he showed me which was my bed, and left me to blow out the lamp.

 

[4]    It was like travelling into a far country, such as I had never expected to behold, to lie there for one night. It seemed to me that I never had heard the town-clock strike before, nor the evening sounds of the village; for we slept with the windows open, which were inside the grating. It was to see my native village in the light of the Middle Ages, and our Concord was turned into a Rhine stream, and visions of knights and castles passed before me. They were the voices of old burghers that I heard in the streets. I was an involuntary spectator and auditor of whatever was done and said in the kitchen of the adjacent village-inn — a wholly new and rare experience to me. It was a closer view of my native town. I was fairly inside of it. I never had seen its institutions before. This is one of its peculiar institutions; for it is a shire town.(1) I began to comprehend what its inhabitants were about.

 

[5]    In the morning, our breakfasts were put through the hole in the door, in small oblong-square tin pans, made to fit, and holding a pint of chocolate, with brown bread, and an iron spoon. When they called for the vessels again, I was green enough to return what bread I had left; but my comrade seized it, and said that I should lay that up for lunch or dinner. Soon after he was let out to work at haying in a neighboring field, whither he went every day, and would not be back till noon; so he bade me good-day, saying that he doubted if he should see me again.

 

[6]    When I came out of prison — for some one interfered, and paid that tax — I did not perceive that great changes had taken place on the common, such as he observed who went in a youth and emerged a tottering and gray-headed man; and yet a change had to my eyes come over the scene — the town, and State, and country — greater than any that mere time could effect. I saw yet more distinctly the State in which I lived. I saw to what extent the people among whom I lived could be trusted as good neighbors and friends; that their friendship was for summer weather only; that they did not greatly propose to do right; that they were a distinct race from me by their prejudices and superstitions, as the Chinamen and Malays are; that in their sacrifices to humanity, they ran no risks, not even to their property; that after all they were not so noble but they treated the thief as he had treated them, and hoped, by a certain outward observance and a few prayers, and by walking in a particular straight though useless path from time to time, to save their souls. This may be to judge my neighbors harshly; for I believe that many of them are not aware that they have such an institution as the jail in their village.

 

[7]    It was formerly the custom in our village, when a poor debtor came out of jail, for his acquaintances to salute him, looking through their fingers, which were crossed to represent the grating of a jail window, "How do ye do?" My neighbors did not thus salute me, but first looked at me, and then at one another, as if I had returned from a long journey. I was put into jail as I was going to the shoemaker's to get a shoe which was mended. When I was let out the next morning, I proceeded to finish my errand, and, having put on my mended shoe, joined a huckleberry party, who were impatient to put themselves under my conduct; and in half an hour — for the horse was soon tackled — was in the midst of a huckleberry field, on one of our highest hills, two miles off, and then the State was nowhere to be seen.

[8]    This is the whole history of "My Prisons."(2)

 


  

[9]    I have never declined paying the highway tax, because I am as desirous of being a good neighbor as I am of being a bad subject; and as for supporting schools, I am doing my part to educate my fellow-countrymen now. It is for no particular item in the tax-bill that I refuse to pay it. I simply wish to refuse allegiance to the State, to withdraw and stand aloof from it effectually. I do not care to trace the course of my dollar, if I could, till it buys a man or a musket to shoot one with — the dollar is innocent — but I am concerned to trace the effects of my allegiance. In fact, I quietly declare war with the State, after my fashion, though I will still make what use and get what advantage of her I can, as is usual in such cases.

 

[10]    If others pay the tax which is demanded of me, from a sympathy with the State, they do but what they have already done in their own case, or rather they abet injustice to a greater extent than the State requires. If they pay the tax from a mistaken interest in the individual taxed, to save his property, or prevent his going to jail, it is because they have not considered wisely how far they let their private feelings interfere with the public good.

 

[11]    This, then, is my position at present. But one cannot be too much on his guard in such a case, lest his action be biased by obstinacy or an undue regard for the opinions of men. Let him see that he does only what belongs to himself and to the hour.

 

[12]    I think sometimes, Why, this people mean well; they are only ignorant; they would do better if they knew how: why give your neighbors this pain to treat you as they are not inclined to? But I think, again, This is no reason why I should do as they do, or permit others to suffer much greater pain of a different kind. Again, I sometimes say to myself, When many millions of men, without heat, without ill-will, without personal feeling of any kind, demand of you a few shillings only, without the possibility, such is their constitution, of retracting or altering their present demand, and without the possibility, on your side, of appeal to any other millions, why expose yourself to this overwhelming brute force? You do not resist cold and hunger, the winds and the waves, thus obstinately; you quietly submit to a thousand similar necessities. You do not put your head into the fire. But just in proportion as I regard this as not wholly a brute force, but partly a human force, and consider that I have relations to those millions as to so many millions of men, and not of mere brute or inanimate things, I see that appeal is possible, first and instantaneously, from them to the Maker of them, and, secondly, from them to themselves. But, if I put my head deliberately into the fire, there is no appeal to fire or to the Maker of fire, and I have only myself to blame. If I could convince myself that I have any right to be satisfied with men as they are, and to treat them accordingly, and not according, in some respects, to my requisitions and expectations of what they and I ought to be, then, like a good Mussulman (3) and fatalist, I should endeavor to be satisfied with things as they are, and say it is the will of God. And, above all, there is this difference between resisting this and a purely brute or natural force, that I can resist this with some effect; but I cannot expect, like Orpheus,(4) to change the nature of the rocks and trees and beasts.

 

[13]    I do not wish to quarrel with any man or nation. I do not wish to split hairs, to make fine distinctions, or set myself up as better than my neighbors. I seek rather, I may say, even an excuse for conforming to the laws of the land. I am but too ready to conform to them. Indeed, I have reason to suspect myself on this head; and each year, as the tax-gatherer comes round, I find myself disposed to review the acts and position of the general and State governments, and the spirit of the people, to discover a pretext for conformity.

 

"We must affect our country as our parents,
 And if at any time we alienate
 Our love or industry from doing it honor,
 We must respect effects and teach the soul
 Matter of conscience and religion,
 And not desire of rule or benefit."(5)

 

[14]    I believe that the State will soon be able to take all my work of this sort out of my hands, and then I shall be no better a patriot than my fellow-countrymen. Seen from a lower point of view, the Constitution, with all its faults, is very good; the law and the courts are very respectable; even this State and this American government are, in many respects, very admirable and rare things, to be thankful for, such as a great many have described them; but seen from a point of view a little higher, they are what I have described them; seen from a higher still, and the highest, who shall say what they are, or that they are worth looking at or thinking of at all?

 

[15]    However, the government does not concern me much, and I shall bestow the fewest possible thoughts on it. It is not many moments that I live under a government, even in this world. If a man is thought-free, fancy-free, imagination-free, that which is not never for a long time appearing to be to him, unwise rulers or reformers cannot fatally interrupt him.

 

[16]    I know that most men think differently from myself; but those whose lives are by profession devoted to the study of these or kindred subjects, content me as little as any. Statesmen and legislators, standing so completely within the institution, never distinctly and nakedly behold it. They speak of moving society, but have no resting-place without it. They may be men of a certain experience and discrimination, and have no doubt invented ingenious and even useful systems, for which we sincerely thank them; but all their wit and usefulness lie within certain not very wide limits. They are wont to forget that the world is not governed by policy and expediency. Webster never goes behind government, and so cannot speak with authority about it. His words are wisdom to those legislators who contemplate no essential reform in the existing government; but for thinkers, and those who legislate for all time, he never once glances at the subject. I know of those whose serene and wise speculations on this theme would soon reveal the limits of his mind's range and hospitality. Yet, compared with the cheap professions of most reformers, and the still cheaper wisdom and eloquence of politicians in general, his are almost the only sensible and valuable words, and we thank Heaven for him. Comparatively, he is always strong, original, and, above all, practical. Still, his quality is not wisdom, but prudence. The lawyer's truth is not truth, but consistency or a consistent expediency. Truth is always in harmony with herself, and is not concerned chiefly to reveal the justice that may consist with wrong-doing. He well deserves to be called, as he has been called, the Defender of the Constitution. There are really no blows to be given by him but defensive ones. He is not a leader, but a follower. His leaders are the men of '87.(6) "I have never made an effort," he says, "and never propose to make an effort; I have never countenanced an effort, and never mean to countenance an effort, to disturb the arrangement as originally made, by which the various States came into the Union." Still thinking of the sanction which the Constitution gives to slavery, he says, "Because it was a part of the original compact — let it stand."(7) Notwithstanding his special acuteness and ability, he is unable to take a fact out of its merely political relations, and behold it as it lies absolutely to be disposed of by the intellect — what, for instance, it behooves a man to do here in America to-day with regard to slavery, but ventures, or is driven, to make some such desperate answer as the following, while professing to speak absolutely, and as a private man — from which what new and singular code of social duties might be inferred? "The manner," says he, "in which the governments of those States where slavery exists are to regulate it is for their own consideration, under their responsibility to their constituents, to the general laws of propriety, humanity, and justice, and to God. Associations formed elsewhere, springing from a feeling of humanity, or any other cause, have nothing whatever to do with it. They have never received any encouragement from me, and they never will."

 

[17]    They who know of no purer sources of truth, who have traced up its stream no higher, stand, and wisely stand, by the Bible and the Constitution, and drink at it there with reverence and humility; but they who behold where it comes trickling into this lake or that pool, gird up their loins once more, and continue their pilgrimage toward its fountain-head.

 

[18]    No man with a genius for legislation has appeared in America. They are rare in the history of the world. There are orators, politicians, and eloquent men, by the thousand; but the speaker has not yet opened his mouth to speak who is capable of settling the much-vexed questions of the day. We love eloquence for its own sake, and not for any truth which it may utter, or any heroism it may inspire. Our legislators have not yet learned the comparative value of free-trade and of freedom, of union, and of rectitude, to a nation. They have no genius or talent for comparatively humble questions of taxation and finance, commerce and manufacturers and agriculture. If we were left solely to the wordy wit of legislators in Congress for our guidance, uncorrected by the seasonable experience and the effectual complaints of the people, America would not long retain her rank among the nations. For eighteen hundred years, though perchance I have no right to say it, the New Testament has been written; yet where is the legislator who has wisdom and practical talent enough to avail himself of the light which it sheds on the science of legislation?

 

[19]    The authority of government, even such as I am willing to submit to — for I will cheerfully obey those who know and can do better than I, and in many things even those who neither know nor can do so well — is still an impure one: to be strictly just, it must have the sanction and consent of the governed. It can have no pure right over my person and property but what I concede to it. The progress from an absolute to a limited monarchy, from a limited monarchy to a democracy, is a progress toward a true respect for the individual. Even the Chinese philosopher (8) was wise enough to regard the individual as the basis of the empire. Is a democracy, such as we know it, the last improvement possible in government? Is it not possible to take a step further towards recognizing and organizing the rights of man? There will never be a really free and enlightened State until the State comes to recognize the individual as a higher and independent power, from which all its own power and authority are derived, and treats him accordingly. I please myself with imagining a State at least which can afford to be just to all men, and to treat the individual with respect as a neighbor; which even would not think it inconsistent with its own repose if a few were to live aloof from it, not meddling with it, nor embraced by it, who fulfilled all the duties of neighbors and fellow-men. A State which bore this kind of fruit, and suffered it to drop off as fast as it ripened, would prepare the way for a still more perfect and glorious State, which also I have imagined, but not yet anywhere seen.

 

Notes:

 

1. At the time, Concord was a county seat –
2. Reference to Le Mie Prigioni by Silvio Pellico (1789-1854), about his 8 years as a political prisoner, English translation 1833 -
3. A Muslim -
4. In Greek mythology, a musician whose songs could charm rocks and trees and beasts -
5. George Peele (1557?-1597?), Battle of Alcazar (in later editions only) -
6. Writers of the Constitution in 1787 -
7. Danial Webster (1782-1852) from speech in U.S. Senate -
8. Probably Confucius (551-479 B.C.) -

 

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Civil Disobedience, is it Scriptural
http://NazareneRemnant.org/civil-disobedience,-is-it-scriptural.html

 

You Cannot Serve Two Masters
http://NazareneRemnant.org/you-cannot-serve-two-masters.html

 

Little Atrocities-Eichmannism in the Church
http://NazareneRemnant.org/little-atrocities-eichmannism-in-the-church.html

 

 

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The Most Stern Warning in all Scripture ...

We are entering an age that Satanists call the Age of Fire, when they will use every murderous, demonic, vicious, and most cunning tactics and lies to usher in their Nazi Fourth Reich (aka the New World Order). They have made the following point very clear:

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 A prudent [man] foreseeth the evil, and hideth himself: but the simple pass on, and are punished.” (Proverbs 22: 3, KJV)

 

So,...will you take the final moments God is giving you to step away from your ‘stupid zone’ and do what you should have so long ago? Will you finally make some plans? Will you really sell off your unnecessary toys and purchase the absolutely necessary survival tools that will give you just a chance to make it through? Will you search out the ultimate truth of our predicament and the One who can give you peace, serenity and eternal life? Can you admit that putting a dictator in office was one of your very worst mistakes, and you will try to make amends by resisting him and his communist platform? Will you do all you can to convert your family and friends who also voted for him and others supporting him to work against him in every way possible? That may sting and burn to be told that, but it is far better than the amputation of your limbs that is coming if he continues to dismantle this nation and its last freedoms.

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Editorials like these are expected to consume about 1500 words. This is half that. Like I said, the time for talk is over.”

 

Footnote:
[1] Dr. Greg Evenson

 

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Defining the Spiritual War You Failed To Fight 

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Secrecy or Freedom ebook cover

Get A FREE Copy>>> Secrecy or Freedom eBook

This is Alan Jones' most recent book, published in April, 2001. While countless books have been written revealing yet one more outrage which the New World Order folks have perpetrated on us, Jones has resolved on an entirely different purpose: to define a way of mounting a counterattack on those elites, and not just delay their next victory, but destroy their viability, and take back our country and the world for middle class citizens everywhere. In the same way that an army or a football team will surely lose in the long run if it has only a defense and no offense, we too shall lose our world to the elites if we fail to marshal our resources, mount a viable offense against them, and reduce their present dominance of public affairs to a nullity. To that end, this book goes right back into history to discover their origin, their modus operandi, their strengths, and most importantly, their weaknesses. The exercise has been successful, and reveals a crucial weakness which may readily be exploited. We will, in this web page, outline our search, our major findings, and finally a plan of action to save our country for the benefit, we hope, of a great number of future generations of free citizens. Our historical look will go back 2000 years and beyond. Our sources are not generally well known, are not Nobel prize- winning historians, but nevertheless are historical truth seekers whose researches are uniquely valuable. Each of the chapters of Secrecy or Freedom? carries the title of the historical work which is reviewed in that chapter. In this web page, we will give you an inkling of what is covered in each of these chapters, with the hope that these few words will lead you to order our book, carefully absorb its contents, and then join in our proposed action plan to take back our country.

How To Get A FREE Copy>>> Secrecy or Freedom eBook


How I Clobbered Every Bureaucratic Cash-Confiscatory Agency Known To Man, by Mary Croft 

You're an asset of the state. You're duped into entering the world of commerce and finance and trapped in imaginary debt bya brilliant but simple con. When you see your name written in UPPERCASE LETTERS it has a very different meaning to the one your parents gave you. This is an amazing ebook. We highly recommend it.

Click here to download


Classy Beauty, 25, Seeks Man Making $500K 

 Classy Beauty, 25, seeks man making $500M.

Reply to "Classy" Beauty,25, who advertised on Craig's List for a Man Making $500K.

The Answer ...

I read your posting with great interest and have thought meaningfully about your dilemma. I offer the following analysis of your predicament. Firstly, I'm not wasting your time, I qualify as a guy who fits your bill; that is I make more than $500K per year.

Read the Answer the "Classy" Beauty Got



"If liberty means anything at all, it means the right to tell people what they do not want to hear." - George Orwell (1903-1950)



We [the Jews] infiltrated  the Roman Catholic Church right from the very beginning.

“Regarding the Jesuits, quoting Rabbi Finkelstein: “We [the Jews] infiltrated  the Roman Catholic Church right from the very beginning. Why do you think the Pope, the Cardinals and all the Bishops wear yarlmulkahs? (skullcaps) The white race never figures this out. A thousand years later the white race began to wake up ... we had to come up with a plan B ... so we formed the Jesuits. There was a nice boy, Ignatius Loyola. He started the Jesuits.” (Loyola was Jewish. Research/read the Jesuit Extreme Oath.)”

(From The Real History of the Earth. Why in Hell is All This Happening Again? by David Thatcher.)


False Flag Operations or "False flag terrorism" occurs when elements within a government stage a secret operation whereby government forces pretend to be a targeted enemy while attacking their own forces or people. The attack is then falsely blamed on the enemy in order to justify going to war against that enemy.

False Flag Operations


John Taylor Gatto's "The Underground History of American Education"

"If we ever needed a battering ram to pull down the evil structure of compulsory public schooling, this book should be able to do the job. The book calls for a revolution. But not a violent one. It can be won easily and peaceably by merely taking the kids out of the public schools. It's still legal to do so. That would change America radically. But the pessimists will say that most parents are too brain-dead to care what goes on in the public schools. Those parents who do care have already gotten their kids out and are homeschooling them. But we know that every day more and more parents are beginning to see the light. That's encouraging." (Samuel L. Blumenfeld)

Read more: 
John Taylor Gatto


Democracy Is An Illusion 

"The argument that the two parties should represent opposed ideals and policies, one perhaps of the Right, and the other of the Left, is a foolish idea acceptable only to doctrinaire and academic thinkers. Instead, the two parties should be almost identical, so that the American people can 'throw the rascals out' at any election without leading to any profound or extensive shifts in policy... But either party in office becomes in time corrupt, tired, unenterprising, and vigorless. Then it should be possible to replace it, every four years if necessary, by the other party, which will be none of these things but will still pursue, with new vigor,approximately the same policies". (Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, 1966, p. 1247-48)

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Democracy Is An Illusion


Why Men are So Attracted to Foreign Women 

Have you ever wondered why men are so attracted to foreign (non-Western) women? Have you heard from a friend lately that her ex fiancee is now looking for a Russian bride or that a male relative is engaged to a Filipina? And, do you scoff at that and put it down to these men being 'desperate' and those women as just wanting a ticket into the country?


Why You Shouldn't Get Involved With a Married Man [or Woman]
 
Here's a question that's been sent to me recently about a woman wondering if she should get involved with a married man. Here's my reply telling her why you shouldn't get involved with a married man! This woman's name has been changed to remain anonymous.


What You Should Know About Swine Flu 

What You Should Know About Swine Flu eBook cover image

"These are challenging times and we need to stay calm and think things through - not just panic and react. Fear, panic and emotional reaction got us into this mess and it is certainly not going to get us out of it.

We also need to realise - here, now - that  we have long crossed the line into a fully-fledged  fascist dictatorship. It has hidden itself to most people this far, but it is about to lift the veil.

It is no longer an option to do nothing or passively acquiesce to authority out of fear or apathy. Or, at least, it's not if we care about our freedoms and, most importantly, those of our children and grandchildren who will have to live almost their entire lives under a global jackboot of sheer, undiluted evil.

The word 'evil' is much overused and I don't say it lightly; but we are dealing with evil in the sense that the word is the reverse of 'live'. Those behind the conspiracy to cull the human population and turn the rest into little more than computer terminals are anti-life. They have no respect for it and no empathy with those who suffer the consequences of their actions, no matter how appalling.

I have been warning of what was coming for nearly 20 years and it is not 'coming' any more - it's here. No more excuses from anyone, please. We have to deal with it. We have to draw a line in the sand and say no more.

Never was this more important than with  the conspiracy to force swine flu vaccination upon the global population. The swine flu virus was created in a laboratory to generate  mass panic with the specific intention of forcing everyone to have the vaccine. Problem-Reaction-Solution. This 'natural' swine flu virus apparently contains genes from humans, birds and pigs from several continents.

If you concoct and release a virus and then implement a clearly long-planned mass vaccin-ation programme, there can be only one sensible conclusion: swine flu is not the biggest danger here - it's the vaccine." (David Icke)

Free Download: What You Should Know About Swine Flu 



This Has to be the Definitive Report on the Vaccination Hoax.  

“The only safe vaccine is a vaccine that is never used.” – Dr. James A. Shannon. National Institutes of Health.

Are you scared when you’re told you have to vaccinate your child with 49 doses in 14 vaccines before age 6? Or are you scared at the idea of not vaccinating and so “exposing” your child to serious illnesses?

Are you scared about the school threatening you that if you don’t vaccinate you can’t enrol your child?

FEAR. That’s what all these pro-vaccine campaigns are based on. As a parent, what’s the biggest scare of all? When your child gets sick with a serious disease and you feel responsible for that. As you see, vaccine supporters couldn’t go wrong with this and developed a dogma that’s been bought over and over again over the years by people. The magic insurance policy to solve it all.

So, even if your child gets sick, at least you know you did everything you could for his/her health and vaccinated, right? But what if the very vaccination is able to cause the illness in the first place??

Could The Vaccine Hoax Be Over?

An extraordinary paper published by a courageous doctor and investigative medical researcher has dug the dirt on 30 years of secret official transcripts of meetings of UK government vaccine committees and the supposedly independent medical “experts” sitting on them with their drug industry connections.

The 45 page paper with detailed evidence can be downloaded here.

Also see the short article about this report in Issue #65a of our newsletter Last Days Watch, which is here.


Wolves in Sheep's Clothing 

"Beware of false prophets, which come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves"  (Matthew 7: 15)

Vicious wolf

"For such are false apostles, deceitful workers, transforming themselves into the apostles of Christ. And no marvel; for Satan himself is transformed into an angel of light. Therefore it is no great thing if his ministers also be transformed as the ministers of righteousness; whose end shall be according to their works." (2 Corinthians 11: 13-15)


We are Facing Orwellian, Totalitarian Slavery 
 

That's what they want to impose on us. That's the reason behind all the national identity cards, DNA data bases, surveillance cameras, GPS tracking devices in cars and trucks and cell phones, digital micro-chipping of everything from A to Z, Internet surveillance and censorship, telephone taps, body and luggage searches and scans at airports, finger printing of air travelers and bank customers, interrogations at airline boarding gates, intrusive banking regulations, and much more. The Powers That Be are branding and penning up the global "human herd" in just the same way that cattle ranchers tag their cattle herds with ear tags and fence them into feed lots to fatten them up for slaughter. The Powers That Be regard us as their livestock, as their personal property, and they are in the process of branding us, tagging us, and penning us up, so that they can manage us like cattle or swine. Our plight is that stark and simple.

 

So do you want to be a slave or free? That's the question. Because if you want to be free you're absolutely going to have to do something about it. Millions of people are going to have to go outside of their comfort zone, that's the hard truth of the matter, because the status quo is simply not remotely acceptable for people who want to live as free human beings on this planet.

 

Don't imagine that you can just vote in the next criminally rigged election and a new set of corrupt politicians will somehow magically make things better. THEY WON'T. The galling thing is that the Powers That Be have set up a global system to which they insist we assiduously adhere and obey every corrupt dictate they issue, while they themselves flagrantly flout the Constitution with impunity, and never cease massively enriching themselves and their plutocrat cronies, and rolling in corrupt luxury, at our ruinous expense.

 

This pathetic charade will continue only as long as the people permit it, because when the people declare a de facto Jubilee Year, the jig will be up. As a matter of fact, that process is already underway. It is a simple truth that unemployed people cannot service a loan, cannot pay a tax bill, and cannot pay a fine that is imposed on them for failure to do any of the foregoing. So as the unemployed rolls continue to swell, more and more people will simply refuse or fail to make credit card payments, to pay back home, automobile and student loans, and will default on furniture, appliance and pay day loans, and much more. This is already happening and the trend will increase.”

 

Read the Full Story:
Hidden in Plain Sight 

 


The Manipulated Man

The Manipulated Man book cover.


Are You Laughing Yet, or Would You Forward this Email on to a Friend or Relative? 

The Email "Are You Laughing Yet?"

Pass this very insightful email on if you think it has merit. If not then just discard it ... no one will know you did. But, if you discard this thought process, don't sit back and complain about what bad shape the world is in.


The Plain Truth About Glorious Carbon Dioxide 

"Nature is a self-regulating mechanism that dwarfs any mindless effort to 'control' the amount of CO2 produced by coal-fired utilities, steel manufacturers, autos and trucks, and gasoline fueled lawn mowers. Okay, children, let's all sit up straight at our desks. We are going to begin 2009 with a lesson about carbon dioxide (CO2)." (Alan Caruba)


The Oil, Gas and Energy Crises are Massive Hoaxes  

Lindsey Williams' book cover,

Lindsey Williams, a Baptist minister and author of the 1980's book The Energy Non-Crisis (on line) has been reporting inside information about oil price-manipulation for many years now, and generally the information has been accurate.

According to Pastor Williams, the Globalists are fomenting rebellion as an excuse to raise the oil prices to $150-200 a barrel.

Pastor Williams revealed in his book that the US has huge untapped oil reserves that the elites have known about for decades. After manipulating the oil prices  to around $200 a barrel, we will finally see these US oil reserves opened for production.

The Oil, Gas and Energy Crises are Massive Hoaxes


"Anyone not preaching coming out of the state church and the government system is a false prophet."(Neal King, Iron-Clay.com)


Christ's Flag is The Union Jack 

The Union Jack.

The Union Jack

The Australian and New Zealand flags go back much further than the 200 years you probably are aware of. Notice the most prominent symbol on all these flags is the eight-pointed cross. This 8 pointed cross consists of two different four pointed crosses (the x and the + crosses) that are superimposed!

The Australian National Flag.

Australian Flag

The New Zealand National Flag.

New Zealand Flag

Their heraldic  symbolism goes back 3,500 years; to the time of Moses and Joshua, the great Israelite (not Jewish) Military-Commanders.

The vertical cross on the flag is for the Great Cross that is formed at critical times in the Galaxy, and this is called the Galactic Cross. T  he diagonal cross stands for the Earth Cross. The Earth cross is the cross of the Zodiac, while the Galactic Cross is the intersection of the Galactic Equator with the Ecliptic and its perpendicular axis.

Four times during the Great Year (which is 25,920 years long)--i.e. every 6,480 years--the Earth Cross aligns with the Galactic Cross to form a single four-pointed cross in the sky. This is what will occur on December 21, 2012, which will herald the end of the "Dark Cycle."

For more information download Part I and Part II of Jan Wicherink's "Great Celestial Conjunction Crosses" reports.  These reports are also in our free book The Prophet Daniel and December 21, 2012.

The red on the flag stands for human blood, and the white stands for the Birthright Holy Spirit, which does the work of redemption (i.e. the born-again process), thus changing a sinful human being into a true blue-blood (i.e. the Elect). Blue is the colour of Sirius, and the Creator God of ancient Khemit (Egypt) known as Ptah (who we call God the Father). In this process it is important to know that there are 216 bones in the human body, and the blood is actually made in the bones!

Furthermore, the science of Khemitology reveals that Ptah was referred to as “He Who Comes from the Blue,” and was always depicted with a blue head covering or with blue skin.

What race was Ptah depicted as?

In the depictions of Ptah from ancient Khemit (the proper name for ancient Egypt) “Ptah is usually depicted with Asian eyes, a Caucasian nose, and Negroid lips. He apparently represents many races as the ‘Father’ or progenitor race from Sirius. Ptah became known as Dyas or Zeus to the Greeks, and later ‘pater’ (father) to the Romans: Ptah, Pater, ‘Father Race.’” (Source: Stephen S Mehler’s The Land of Osiris: An Introduction to Khemitology, Adventures Unlimited Press, 2001, p. 180)

It is also noteworthy that Egyptologist’s word for the bright star Sirius is Sopdet (Sp.dt). According to the science of Khemitology, the Egyptologists have it wrong (and I would heartily agree), and the word should be S.pth, which is Sa-Ptah, “The Birthplace of Ptah.” Thus we see the clear connection between God the Father and the eighth planet of the Solar System, the bright star Sirius.

For more information on the names of the Messiah and God the Father, and these flags, see our free book The God Messiah Worships.


The Heraldic Symbolism of the Unicorn on the British Coat-of-Arms

British coat of arms.

The British Coat-of-Arms is the Coat-of-Arms of the 12 tribed Kingdom of Israel and Christ their Rightful KING.

The TRUE Israel People have, on their "Coat-of-Arms", a Lion and a Unicorn which is shown as a white horse "rampant" with one horn. The amber Lion "rampant" on the left-side is the emblem of the two-tribed "House of Judah" and the Unicorn or white Wild-Ox "rampant" on the right-side is the emblem of the ten-tribed "House of Israel", collectively making the 12-tribed "Kingdom of Israel".

The word British is Hebrew. It means "the People of the Covenant" or in other words "the People Israel", whose written Constitution; under that Covenant, that they have rejected to their own loss; is written in the Bible (Israel's Book) that they still swear on to tell the Truth, but whose Constitution, under which there are no poor people, is then foolishly rejected by almost everyone, in favour of inferior and unjust, man-made laws and economics which cause poverty and therefore also crime brought about by deprivation and desperation.

Read More.

Compare the imposter Antichrist's Coat-of-arms (below) ...

The Antichrist's coat-of-arms.

The lion facing the East stands for the Zodiacal Sign of Leo, the 12th Sign in the Birthright Zodiac. The unicorn stands for the Constellation of Pegasus in the Zodiacal Sign of Aquarius. Both animals are holding the Shield of Salvation, or the Shield of Damnation, depending upon your attitude to God and your way of life, whether you are in rebellion or submission.

Consequently the Lion stands for the White Crown of Upper Egypt, while the Unicorn stands for the Red Crown of Lower Egypt. While the symbols may have changed, the meaning has remained the same over the Millenia.


The Bible is Not a Jewish Book 

The statement is commonly made, even by those who should know better, that “we Christians owe a debt to the Jews, for we got our Bible, and our religion, from them.” While many people have been deceived into believing this, it is completely false.  Part of the mistake comes from the complete confusion in the minds of nearly all people as to just what they mean by “Jew.” Are they referring to people of a certain race? Or people of a certain religion? For the two are not the same.  There are in Africa today some pure-blooded Negroes who are Jews by religion and there are in China today some pure-blooded Mongolians who are Jews by religion. Likewise, there are some people today who are racially of the stock we know as Jews, but who have been converted to other religions.

Read the Full Article:
The Bible is Not a Jewish Book


How Many Men are Necessary to Change a Crime into a Virtue? 

“In another pamphlet, entitled How Many Men are Necessary to Change a Crime into a Virtue? Adin Ballou [another champion of non-resistance] says: ‘One man may not kill. lf he kills a fellow-creature, he is a murderer. lf two, ten, a hundred men do so, they, too, are murderers. But a government or a nation may kill as many men as it chooses, and that will not be murder, but a great and noble action. Only gather the people together on a large scale, and a battle of ten thousand men becomes an innocent action. But precisely how many people must there be to make it so?- that is the question. One man cannot plunder and pillage, but a whole nation can. But precisely how many are needed to make it permissible? Why is it that one man, ten, a hundred, may not break the law of God, but a great number may?” (Quoted in Leo Tolstoy’s book, The Kingdom of Heaven Is Within You, p. 6.)


"Don't think for a moment you are going to vote the Illuminati out of office. They control the major and minor political parties. They control the process of government, they control the process of information flow, they control the process of creating money and finally they control Christendom. (However, God controls the hearts of His people.)" (From The Top 13 illuminati Bloodlines, by Fritz Springmeier)
Woe Unto You Lawyers! (and Policemen) 

"Of all the specialized skills abroad in the world today, the average man knows least about the one that affects him most – about the thing that lawyers call The Law. A man who will discourse at length about the latest cure for streptococci infection or describe in detail his allergic symptoms cannot begin to tell you what happened to him legally – and plenty did – when he got married. A man who would not dream of buying a car without an intricate and illustrated description of its mechanical workings will sign a lease without knowing what more than four of its forty-four clauses mean or why they are there. A man who will not hesitate to criticize or disagree with a trained economist or an expert in any one of a dozen fields of learning will follow, unquestioning and meek, whatever advice his lawyer gives him. Normal human skepticism and curiosity seem to vanish entirely whenever the layman encounters The Law.

There are several reasons for this mass submission, One is the average man’s fear of the unknown – and of policemen."



“Telling the story of the rise of Communism [Nazarene Remnant comment: This term Communism needs to be replaced by the word Satanism, because we now know that this term was chosen to hide the underlying devotion to Satan that drives these people. End NR comment] means revealing the histories of the worst of the criminals involved at the time. But this is necessary, for without knowledge of the secrets of evil, we cannot properly develop the good, either. As the Swedish philosopher Henry T. Laurency wrote: ‘Only he who knows evil knows good.’ 
Then we shall appreciate goodness above everything else on earth.Then we may really be able to welcome the truth, even if it is frightening and dismiss lies, even if they are pleasant.” (Juri Lina, Under the Sign of the Scorpion, p. 63)